Death of Democracy in the Veil of Ignorance
The Bhartiya Janta Party’s (BJP) rise to power is often touted as inspirational. Not only was the BJP the first major political party to defeat the Congress in two successive general elections but as of 2020, they also hold power in majority of the states in India. However, it raises the question: was this due to perseverance and hard work or was it a clever and strategic ploy, hidden under the guise of ambition? I’m going to attempt to answer this question by taking a closer look at the methods used by the BJP to retain power in states like Karnataka, Madhya Pradesh, Goa and Manipur while also clarifying why it is so important for the BJP to have control over the states.
Having control of a state government gives a political party many benefits. Besides the obvious lure of having control over a majority of the states and therefore control of the police and other state agencies that can be used to gain a political and electoral advantage, there is also a financial angle to consider. Forming the government at the state gives the party direct access to funds from the central government that can be used to further political ambitions. While the central government spent around Rs 27 lakh crore in 2019, most of it had already been previously assigned. The states on the other hand spent around Rs 34 lakh crore, where miscellaneous expenditures were much higher than the central government. They can make money out of various deals like road construction contracts or purchases like coal for power–generating stations, especially because state–level deals don’t face the same careful inspection that the central government does. And it helps that these same funds can be kept out of the hands of the opposition. This gives the BJP a pretty strong incentive to increase their sphere of power.
As made clear in 2014 by Modi, the BJP had one objective when they came to power: completely removing the Congress Party’s presence in India. As it stands in 2020, they have almost accomplished their goal. As the ruling party of the country, they have much more to offer to the MLAs (members of the legislative assembly) than the Congress, whether it be money or political power. After all, it’s better to be part of a party that holds 303 seats in Parliament than a party that holds 52 and is fading into oblivion. The BJP has even found a way around the anti – defection law, made to prevent MLAs from indiscriminately switching from one party to another, without risking disqualification. Now the rebellious MLAs simply resign and join the BJP, pushing the state government into a minority, and then win the by – elections on BJP’s ticket. This has set forth a terrifying domino effect in the country, as state governments ruled by the Congress are being brought down, one by one.
It all started with Karnataka. In 2018, a coalition government consisting of the Congress and Janta Dal (Secular) [JD(S)], with H.D. Kumaraswamy as Chief Minister was sworn in. Soon however cracks in the alliance were visible. Umesh Jadhav was the first Congress MLA to quit after a Cabinet reshuffle and win the by–elections under the BJP. These cracks widened after the alliance faced a humiliating defeat in the general elections, with the BJP winning 26 out of 28 seats. The BJP could smell blood in the water. The two alliance partners were too busy pointing fingers at each other to notice the eminent threat posed by the BJP (though they sought to deny it). By 14th July 2019, 14 more MLAs had quit, eleven from Congress and three from JD(S). The political drama unfolded in a very predictable manner from that point on. The BJP hid the rebellious MLAs in a hotel in Mumbai where the Congress couldn’t reach them before the trust vote, where inevitably Mr. Kumaraswamy lost. The BJP had won Karnataka. The Supreme Court played a pivotal role in this crisis when it ruled that the rebels wouldn’t be compelled to appear in the Assembly for the trust vote, thus ensuring a win for the BJP. This ruling cleared a legal hurdle for the BJP, who now had a foolproof method for usurping power in the states.
After the trial run in Karnataka, the stage was already set for Madhya Pradesh. In the 2018 elections In Madhya Pradesh, Congress got 114 seats and BJP got 109 seats. Needing 116 seats to form the government, Congress formed an alliance with Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP ), Samajwadi Party (SP ), and four independent MLAs. The BJP had been voted out of power by the people. This time Modi and the BJP didn’t even try to hide their involvement. Facing no consequences in Karnataka had emboldened them. Following in the steps of the dress rehearsal in Karnataka, ten MLAs (six from Congress, two from BSP, one from SP and one independent), flew to Delhi without informing anyone. While six MLAs returned, four went to Bengaluru. Only three returned. The fourth, MLA Hardeep Singh Dang, sent in his resignation. His resignation became the catalyst that sparked the downfall of Kamal Nath’s government in Madhya Pradesh. 22 Congress MLAs went to Bengaluru and went incommunicado. Senior Congress leader Jyotiraditya Scindia met Modi and Home Minister Amit Shah in Delhi and resigned from Congress. He then won a Rajya Sabha seat through BJP. Soon after, the 22 MLAs in Bengaluru submitted their resignation, leaving Kamal Nath’s government in a lurch. The BJP, knowing Kamal Nath’s government didn’t have the numbers, demanded a floor test and when the government refused, they filed a petition in the Supreme Court. The Supreme Court ordered a floor test but five hours before it could be held Kamal Nath resigned as Chief Minister. BJP leader, Shivraj Singh Chouhan took oath as CM of Madhya Pradesh and another state was forcefully painted saffron.
This story will repeat every time the Indian voters decide they want a different government. This story will repeat every time the Indian voters try to reclaim the promise of democracy made to them seventy – five years before. There were murmurs in Maharashtra when the BJP tried to lure a senior leader from the NCP (Nationalist Congress Party) to their side but it failed as the patriarch of the NCP refused to let the members defect. In Goa, the BJP was met with success again as they convinced seventeen Congress members to defect to their side. Arunachal Pradesh was one of their earliest successes in 2016 when they brought the Congress government down in two years, reducing their numbers in the legislative assembly from 42 to one! Manipur also fell to BJP’s subterfuges. Even though the Congress had 28 seats to the BJP’s 21, Himanta Biswa Sarma, a senior BJP leader, played a pivotal role in cajoling regional parties to their side. Not one to change their modus operandi, they convinced a Congress MLA to defect and to add insult to injury, even making a former Congress leader the chief minister of Manipur.
Rajasthan is now in BJP’s line of sight. Ashok Gehlot and the Congress have just managed to save their government from collapsing by winning the rebels back to their side at the last minute, mere days before the trust vote. But this only gives them a six-month respite. Sachin Pilot and the rebels have made a temporary truce with the Congress, but the cracks are still visible. The BJP has all the tools to make sure those cracks become permanent.
The situation may seem hopeless but there is still light at the end of this tunnel. While the anti-defection law may have become redundant, as the BJP has found a clever way to work around it, it can be reworked. Instead of only punishing the MLA’s for voting against their political party, by disqualifying them, the law should also punish the political party that instigated such an action. Reworking the anti-defection law is something that needs to be seriously considered as it the only legal constraint that can stop this saffron tsunami.
The state governors too have become ploys in the BJP’s game, used only to further their political agenda. While the governors are supposed to be unbiased and have minimal interference in state affairs, this has not been the case in states like Maharashtra and Delhi, where the BJP failed to grab power. The governors act like agents of the BJP and obstruct any and all work the state governments try to do. The BJP has a majority in the Indian Parliament so that gives the governors free reign to do as they please. There needs to be accountability for this abuse of power, and it needs to be enforced by the judiciary. The judiciary, being independent from the government and the legislature, is the only check we have on the BJP’s growing power.
Like a magician diverts the audience’s attention from the trick to his alluring assistant beside him, the BJP has slyly distracted the public by luring them in with promises of an egalitarian society whilst increasing their power on a totalitarian basis. While Rajasthan and even Maharashtra show that their attempts can be prevented, public awareness and action is the BJP’s only Achilles heel. After Indira Gandhi and the Congress Party were voted out of power in 1977, when they attempted to subvert the principles of democracy, it was proven that the interests of a singular party could never surpass the interests of the majority. The triumphs of the past need to be employed in the present otherwise India’s future will be like nothing we have ever imagined.
Bibliography
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Picture Credits: Maps of India
